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Rebellion Spreads in Mexico After Police Massacre

Members of the National Coordination of Education Workers (CNTE) teachers' union in Mexico carry candles during a march after a lethal police attack against CNTE protesters. (Reuters / Edgard Garrido)

“We will not pardon or forget”

By James North

Nochixtlán—Before the federal police opened fire, the church bells in this town high in the mountains of southern Mexico rang out a warning. Mariana Sosa, a 51-year-old primary school teacher, was already out that morning with other demonstrators, blocking the nearby national highway, part of a wave of protests against a government effort to impose a new education policy partly designed to weaken the teachers union.

It was Sunday, June 19, market day in this town of 18,000, with added festivities planned for Father’s Day. Sosa (her name has been changed) remembered: “Hundreds of federales started arriving in busloads. First, they fired tear gas and rubber bullets and pushed us back. The church bells alerted our people to the danger, and they came down from the market to reinforce us.”

At about 10:30, the federal police started firing live ammunition. A young man was killed right next to Sosa, shot in the head. Within hours, a total of 10 unarmed protesters were dead here, and the police had killed another man elsewhere in Oaxaca State. Overnight, the government attack on a militant union exploded into a much broader uprising that reverberated across Mexico.

Astonishingly, the US mainstream media have barely covered what everyone here calls “the massacre.” Make no mistake: If police in Venezuela had shot down 11 unarmed demonstrators, a pack of American reporters would have raced there.

Three days after the killings, tens of thousands of white-clad health workers marched in 19 of Mexico’s 31 states, both to support the teachers and to resist government plans to reorganize their sector. Thousands of others blocked major highways in southern Mexico to reinforce the protest. In Oaxaca, the state capital just over an hour to the southeast of Nochixtlán, hundreds more maintained a tent city that covered the central plaza, in a tactic reminiscent of Occupy Wall Street.

The nationwide outcry forced President Enrique Peña Nieto to pull the federal police back. So here in Nochixtlán, the striking teachers re-established their blockade of national highway 190. Over a long day of conversations, what stood out was the respectable, middle-class nature of the protesters.

At first, the teachers and their supporters were wary of outsiders. They are indignant at the government’s campaign to lie about the massacre, with the complicity of most of the regional and national media. The government insinuated that some of the blockaders that Sunday were armed “guerrillas” who had “ambushed” the “unarmed” police.

Mariana Sosa and her colleagues refuted every point of the government’s account, giving precise times and descriptions as though they were testifying in court.

The teachers stress that they suffered all the casualties; in addition to the dead, more than 100 people were wounded. Jorge Gutierrez, a soft-spoken history teacher in his 40s, explained: “It was planned in advance. The police put snipers in a couple of hotels. They used heavy weapons we have never seen before. We are teachers; we don’t use arms. Our weapons are our ideas.”

They added that some of the wounded were still too afraid to come forward, even to the local hospital, for fear of eventual reprisals.

Efraín Vera, whose subjects are English and reading comprehension, explained why the public is rallying behind the teachers: “Here, the teacher is a vital figure, especially in the rural areas. You are a second father or mother, an adviser, a psychologist. Just last week I gave one of my students 20 pesos [just over $1] because I could see that he was hungry.”

“What’s more,” he added, “every family has at least one teacher among them, and they are proud of that person.”

Vera, like the others, belongs to the now famous Section 22 of the CNTE, the National Coordination of Education Workers (for more background, see David Bacon’s recent report, “Why Are Mexican Teachers Being Jailed for Protesting Education Reform?”). He recognizes that there have been some abuses in union practices, but he is emphatic that the Mexican government’s stated concerns are not sincere. “The government never came to listen to us before imposing this so-called ‘reform,’” he said. “It only came to punish us.”

In an echo of one questionable trend in US education, the Mexican government also wants to start competency testing for teachers. Vera said, “We recognize that teachers, as public employees, should be evaluated. But then so should our president.” He gave a sly smile. President Peña Nieto’s lack of intelligence is notorious in Mexico, the subject of a steady stream of jokes and comic skits.

Adriana Marcelina Linares, the outspoken leader of a local parents’ organization, was not afraid to use her real name. “One more stripe on this tiger is not going to matter,” she said, laughing. Linares was hard at work in resistance headquarters, an elementary school in the center of town. Classrooms have become impromptu offices; volunteer lawyers were meeting with survivors and families of the dead, and an open-air communal kitchen prepared food. Hand-lettered posters were everywhere. The atmosphere was business-like and determined.

Linares expressed a common view here, that racism and prejudice partly explain why the national government felt it could open fire with impunity. This is a poor, indigenous area, in which more than half the people speak the Mixteca language. There is a feeling that the lighter-skinned rulers in Mexico City regard the people of Oaxaca and other southern states as colonial subjects. The federal police, who are from elsewhere in Mexico, are seen as an invading army.

Linares said simply: “As indigenous people, we have the right to be taken into account. And we think it is better for the federal government to simply leave.”

In Mexico, coverage of the massacre is ludicrously biased. Press and television continue to float slanders against the teachers and their supporters, while running alarmist reports about the shortages the highway blockades are alleged to be causing.

To counter, people here use Facebook, which some simply abbreviate to “Face.” Santiago Navarro, in his mid-30s, is part of an alternative news site called Avispa (Wasp), which publishes its own reports online. He points out that there is only a single trustworthy radio station, which the government has jammed in the past. “They quickly license a new, more powerful station to broadcast at nearly the same frequency, to drown us out,” he said.

For now, the Mexican government has backed down slightly, and opened negotiations with the teachers. Oaxaca City is a major tourist destination, and the US government has already issued a travel warning due to the unrest. Mariana Sosa noted bitterly, “You should start talking before you fire murderous bullets, not after.

She says Nochixtlán, and Mexico in general, are at the beginning of a long struggle. “Our watchword is, ‘We will not pardon or forget,’” she said. “Until many years from now, when the last person who witnessed this massacre has died, we will keep the memory alive.”

Published by TheNation

Mexican police brutally attack Oaxaca’s striking teachers

Ten years after the Oaxaca Commune of 2006, teachers in the Mexican state are back on the barricades — and once again the state responds with brute force.

By Scott Campbell
In a statement released on Friday, June 17, the Zapatistas posed the following questions regarding the ongoing national teachers’ strike in Mexico:

They have beaten them, gassed them, imprisoned them, threatened them, fired them unjustly, slandered them, and declared a de facto state-of-siege in Mexico City. What’s next? Will they disappear them? Will they murder them? Seriously? The ‘education’ reform will be born upon the blood and cadavers of the teachers?

On Sunday, June 19, the state answered these questions with an emphatic “Yes”. The response came in the form of machine-gun fire from Federal Police directed at teachers and residents defending a highway blockade in Nochixtlán, a town in the southern state of Oaxaca and roughly 80 kilometers northwest of the capital city of that state, also called Oaxaca.

Initially, the Oaxaca Ministry of Public Security claimed that the Federal Police were unarmed and “not even carrying batons”. After ample visual evidence and a mounting body count to the contrary, the state admitted federal police opened fire on the blockade, killing six. Meanwhile, medics in Nochixtlán released a list of eight killed, 45 wounded and 22 disappeared. On Monday, the National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE), the teachers union leading the strike, said ten were killed on Sunday, including nine at Nochixtlán.

Teachers belonging to the CNTE, a more radical faction of about 200,000 inside of the 1.3 million-strong National Union of Education Workers (SNTE), the largest union in Latin America, have been on indefinite strike since May 15. Their primary demand is the repeal of the “Educational Reform” initiated by Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto in 2013.

A neoliberal plan based on a 2008 agreement between Mexico and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the reform seeks to standardize and privatize Mexico’s public education system, as well as weaken the power of the teachers’ union. The teachers are also demanding more investment in education, freedom for all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, truth and justice for the 43 disappeared students from Ayotzinapa, and an end to neoliberal structural reforms in general.

The state has refused to even talk to the union, instead deploying thousands of federal police and gendarmerie to areas where the strike is strongest — primarily Oaxaca, Chiapas, Michoacán and Mexico City, though also in states such as Guerrero, Tabasco and Veracruz.

A late night attack on June 11 against a teachers’ encampment blockading the Oaxaca State Institute of Public Education (IEEPO) by more than 1,000 police led to teachers and residents quickly mobilizing and establishing barricades and highway blockades in the early morning hours of June 12. Also on Saturday, the top two leaders of the CNTE’s Oaxacan branch, Section 22, were arrested in Oaxaca and Mexico City, and 24 arrest warrants issued for others in leadership positions.

The Nochixtlán blockade was one of those erected on June 12 and for a week had been successful in preventing hundreds of federal forces from reaching the city of Oaxaca. Dozens of highway blockades were in place by June 14, the day that tens of thousands came out to the streets to commemorate the ten-year anniversary of the beginning of the five-month-long 2006 rebellion.

The CNTE controlled 37 critical spots on highways throughout the state, blockaded in part with 50 expropriated tanker trucks. The blockades were so effective that ADO, a major first-class bus line, indefinitely cancelled all trips from Mexico City to Oaxaca and federal police began flying reinforcements into airports in the city of Oaxaca, Huatulco (on the coast), and Ciudad Ixtepec (on the Isthmus).

On Sunday morning, the federal and state police attack on the people and teachers of Oaxaca began in earnest. Nochixtlán defended its blockade against a four-hour police assault, resulting in the previously mentioned nine deaths. Police took over the local hospital and forbid entry to anyone not wearing a uniform. The wounded demonstrators were treated in churches and schools, likely resulting in more deaths due to lack of necessary treatment.

The next police attack on Sunday occurred at the blockade in Hacienda Blanca, 11 kilometers north of the city of Oaxaca. There police fired tear gas from helicopters, including into the school being used as a makeshift medical center, and there were reports of live ammunition being fired.

After breaking the blockade, they began going door-to-door looking for people in hiding. The police advanced into the municipal boundaries of Oaxaca and heavy clashes occurred in the Viguera neighborhood at the Juárez Monument. Police again used live ammunition, wounding a young man who later died of his wounds, making him the tenth fatality of the day. Another death occurred near the blockade in Juchitán, in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, when a reporter covering the protests was shot by “unknown subjects” in circumstances that remain unclear.

Sunday night, police began cutting power to various sections of the city and public transit was suspended, raising fears that federal and state forces would attempt to take the city and the teachers’ encampment in the main square (the Zócalo). As of this writing, such an attack has not occurred and around 30 highway blockades remain in place in Oaxaca, along with barricades in the historic city center. Police and gendarmerie did attack a blockade in Salina Cruz, a major port city, but it was successfully defended by teachers and residents.

Monday saw at least 40,000 people march in Oaxaca to protest Sunday’s state violence. Eighty-one civil society groups issued a “humanitarian alert due to the armed State attack on a civilian population.” Of note is that none of those killed on Sunday were teachers. Oaxaca Governor Gabino Cué claimed that teachers are in the minority on the blockades. This was an attempt on his part to delegitimize the struggle, but it instead speaks to the growing solidarity sparked by the teachers’ strike.

Also on Monday, prominent Oaxacan artists released a call for an end to state repression and a “cultural barricade against repression” was held that afternoon. The Oaxaca Minister of Indigenous Affairs resigned in protest and studentstook over the Benito Juárez Autonomous University of Oaxaca (UABJO), including its radio station, Radio Universidad.

Teachers in neighboring Chiapas organized blockades at major points in the capital city of Tuxtla Gutiérrez. Nine people, including journalists, were detained at a solidarity demonstration in Mexico City. The arrested womenwere threatened with rape by the police and were sexually assaulted. All were later released.

The situation continues to develop and change rapidly. One thing is certain: ten years after the birth of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), the ember of resistance has ignited again, as has the desire and brutality of the state to stomp it out once and for all.

Scott Campbell is a radical writer and translator based in Oakland, California. He previously lived in Mexico for several years, including Oaxaca. His pieces appear frequently on El Enemigo Común and It’s Going Down.

Published in roarmag.org

Mexico: State Terror, Education Reform and the Stock Exchange

State police shoot protesters. Jun-19-2016

The reasons why the Mexican government wants to impose the Educational Reform, even if it means killing people, as with the massacre in Nochixtlán by repressive state forces on June 19, are rooted in economic objectives guided by international financial organizations. The reform, proposed by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), with the OECD-Mexico Agreement to Improve the Quality of Education in Schools of Mexico, aims to lay the groundwork to shift education from being a State responsibility to instead being resolved in the realm of the financial market.

One of the state’s actions accompanying the Educational Reform is the issuing of bonds to the speculative market. Just over a year after the adoption of the reform, in December 2015, the first educational bonds or National School Infrastructure Certificates (CIEN) were issued by the Mexican Stock Exchange, which investors BBVA Bancomer and Merrill Lynch purchased for 8.581 billion pesos.

When a company or state issues bonds, the investors who buy them are lending them money in exchange for the issuer – in this case the Mexican State – committing to pay the interest at fixed intervals over a predetermined period of time. These payments will be made every six months and by the states and their inhabitants.

With the educational bonds, the state aims to attract investors to this sector and, in a first stage, aims to renovate existing infrastructure and promote the development of new schools and basic services. That is, the state has converted the bonds into a given number of common stocks to attract investors to this sector that, since its establishment, is seen as another company that will have to generate profits for shareholders.

The Educational Reform is part of the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP), guided by the World Bank (WB), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).  In total, 11 structural reforms have been approved: labor, the treasury, education, finance, energy, reform on transparency, political and electoral reform, reform in telecommunications and broadcasting, the new court-ordered protection law, the national criminal procedures code, and reform in economic competition. Twenty-two more reforms still need to be approved.

According to Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel Laureate in Economics and former vice president of the World Bank, the Structural Adjustment Programs have four steps: privatization, in which the government sells companies and public institutions to private investors; the liberalization of financial markets, when controls are reduced on the entry and exit of money in the country – in order to attract investors – interest rates are increased; the introduction of market prices, when the government allows the prices of basic food, water and energy to rise; and free trade, which means removing barriers (taxes and tariffs), to foreign products that protect local producers and industries.

If the national teachers movement manages to bring down the educational reform, there will be a path to bringing down all the structural reforms that are occurring in the country’s strategic sectors, such as the energy sector. This is the assessment that teachers are making. This is precisely the fear of the federal government. The government remains closed to dialogue because it already signed all of the international agreements.

Layoffs

The CNTE argues that the educational reform is a model seeking to outsource education by replacing their positions with new contract workers without labor rights, until it turns into a privatized service. The reform is focused on recruitment procedures and teacher supervision and not on true changes to improve education and the working conditions of the teachers.

According to María Bernardita Zamora, a history teacher in Iztapalapa, one of the poorest areas in the Federal District, and a member of the CNTE (the teachers union fighting the reform), the estimate is that with the reform 60% of the 1.2 million teachers in Mexico today will lose their jobs. So far, 4,000 teachers have been fired for rejecting the educational reform, according to the teacher.

State Terrorism

The teachers of the CNTE have been on a general strike since May 15. Since that date there has been intense plan of mobilizations by the movement, and the state response was brutal repression. In the last week barricades were erected in all regions of the state of Oaxaca, where countless acts of repression by federal and state police were recorded.

On June 18 and 19, the repression led to a massacre. Starting on the 18th, in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the battles that began in Zanacatepec extended to Juchitán, Ixtepec, Tehuantepec and Salina Cruz. All barricades reorganized themselves after those failed attempts. Later, on the 19th, the focus of the repression spread to the Mixteca region in Nochixtlán, where for a week teachers, parents and the community in general had maintained barricades to keep the police out of the city of Oaxaca. The repression left at least eight people dead, 27 disappeared and a hundred injured and arrested.

Despite this situation, the police had to retreat and try at all costs to clear the roads to advance to the state capital. The federal police managed to pass the blockades at Nochixtlán and Huitzo in order to enter the city of Oaxaca, while they received support from reinforcements who were waiting at the airport and other sites.

Hours after the massacre in Nochixtlán, about 20 blockades at the entrance to the city of Oaxaca were attacked. There was at least one person killed by the repressive forces of the state, and hundreds injured and arrested.

On the same night, the next location expecting repression was the center of the city, specifically the Zócalo (main square), where since May 15 teachers have maintained their encampment. Electricity to this area was cut for a few hours, later being turned back on. Barricades were erected around the Zócalo. In the end, there was no eviction and the camp remains until now.

Meanwhile, the Interior Minister of Mexico issued a statement on Sunday, June 19, where he stated that photographs shared on social networks, which show federal police using firearms against protesters, are totally fake. “The actions of the federal troops are in line with the protocols established to enforce the law without violating human rights,” he said.

Moreover, a gathering of more than 70 civil society organizations issued a humanitarian alert in response to the armed State attack on the civilian population.

Today, June 19, we are witnesses to the extremely violent actions of the Mexican State to repress the teachers and organized society in resistance in various areas of the state of Oaxaca, including the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Nochixtlán and the city of Oaxaca. As a result of excessive use of force, at least six people are dead and dozens wounded and detained.

Similarly, they say that:

So far the whereabouts of detainees, or the total number of injured and dead are not known. Medical care has not been guaranteed and the civilian population has had to create emergency care sites to meet the overwhelming need of those injured.

Among other points, the statement by civil society organizations denounces the constant criminalization of social protest in Oaxaca. Among the main instances regarding this, it is worth noting:

  • In May 2013, the arrest of five teachers from Oaxaca: Damián Gallardo Martínez, Lauro Atilano Grijalva Villalobos, Mario Olivera Osorio, Sara Altamirano Ramos and Leonel Manzano Sosa.
  • In 2015, criminalization and smear campaigns by the media against the teachers have been constantly increasing, along with the process of dismantling the IEEPO (Oaxaca State Institute of Public Education) that happened in July, leaving thousands of teachers in particular risk of not receiving their salaries.
  • In October 2015, Juan Carlos Orozco Matus, Othón Nazariega Segura, Efraín Picazo Pérez and Roberto Abel Jiménez García were arrested and dozens of arrest warrants against members of Section 22 (the Oaxacan branch of the CNTE) were issued.
  • In April 2016, Aciel Sibaja Mendoza, finance secretary of Section 22 was arrested.
  • In May 2016, Heriberto Magariño López, another leader of Section 22 was arrested.
  • Finally, on June 11, Francisco Villalobos Ricardéz, secretary of Section 22, and a few hours later on June 12, Rubén Núñez Ginez, secretary general of Section 22, were both arrested.

Similarly, various United Nations officials have issued urgent appeals to the Mexican authorities, voicing their concern about human rights violations reported in some of these cases, in particular, arrests without an arrest or search warrant, the use of torture during the subsequent arbitrary detention, and other violations of the rights of detainees.

Political Prisoners

On Saturday, June 11, 2016, at approximately 11pm, more than 1,000 police violently removed the teachers of Section 22, who belong to the CNTE in Oaxaca, the state with the highest concentration of teachers affiliated with the CNTE, 83,000 of the 200,000 in all of Mexico. The teachers were in an encampment in front of the Oaxaca State Institute of Public Education (IEEPO).

The police attacked the teachers from various positions, firing tear gas canisters directly at the teachers. Meanwhile, the teachers reorganized immediately, together with neighbors and anarchist youth, resisting with stones and barricades. After the repression, the teachers went to the Zócalo, where their encampment remains at the moment.

The eviction came after a team of special forces on Saturday afternoon arrested Francisco Villalobos Ricárdez, Organization Secretary of CNTE Section 22, in the city of Tehuantepec in southern Oaxaca, for the theft of books in 2015. Those books are distributed to students for free and are considered property of the Ministry of Public Education. During the theft one person was injured, according to the charges filed against the secretary. Early Sunday morning, the same day as the repression in Oaxaca, Secretary General Rubén Núñez was arrested for the alleged use of illicitly acquired funds. Altogether, seven CNTE members have been detained. Another 24 members of the CNTE in Oaxaca have arrest warrants out against them.

In a press release, the CNTE said that the government has publicly shown that today’s teachers are treated as the worst offenders in the country as several of them are held in maximum security prisons, as they represent a threat to the government of Enrique Peña Nieto and by not allowing the passage of a reform that was dead on arrival, as it is being buried in Oaxaca.

Negotiating Table

The teachers’ movement is calling for an immediate start to negotiations, but the government refuses to open up such a space. Isabel García Velázquez, a teacher and member of the CNTE political commission in Oaxaca from the Coastal region, said:

We are willing to have a national dialogue on education because we have a proposal. An alternative education model is needed in the state of Oaxaca, one that respects the customs, the culture and that is evaluated according to how we live. But they want to impose a reform exclusively in accordance with their own policies. It will not be possible here in Mexico, not here in Oaxaca.

Photos: Xiaj Nikte and Niña Salvaje
Videos: Avispa Midia, SubVersiones, Jarana Films, El Enemigo Común, Desde las Nubes.

Resistance Extends Throughout Oaxaca Against Education Reform

June 16, 2016

Translation by Elenemigocomun

“Welcome to Oaxaca” says a metal plate at the entrance to this city. A city worth knowing, with a great gastronomic and cultural diversity, colors, sounds and tastes. One of the states of Mexico with the most diversity in native languages, one of the richest in natural diversity, but also the 3rd poorest state in Mexico, according to statistics of the National Council for Evaluation of Social Development Policy (CONEVAL). Although, truth be told, there have always been two Oaxacas, the profound and everyday Oaxaca, and the one sold in advertising- a made-up Oaxaca offered to a wealthy sector. Today, an intense day of demonstrations throughout the entire state, the legend “Welcome to Oaxaca” was a welcome for the federal police sent by the federal government to establish peace and order in this federal entity and “to apply the Education Reform with military methods,” says the housewife, Jazmín López, who has joined the reception.

In this entry to Oaxaca for those coming from Mexico City, known as la Hacienda Blanca, (White House), teachers and residents of the surrounding settlements blocked the access and detained hundreds of trucks carrying luxury cars, goods for commercial centers, building materials and machinery. They only allowed civilian vehicles to pass.

The same reception was given in each of the four corners of Oaxaca. For example, in the Isthmus de Tehuantepec, 8 hours away from the city of Oaxaca, at least three large barricades were erected to prevent access to the elements of the Gendarmería, a partnership created for the fight against drug trafficking.

The federal police arrived by air along the Pacific coast and with the use of tear gas, immediately tried to deter the barricades in Tehuantepec, Jalapa del Marqués and Tequisistlán, all located in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec region. However, the operation failed. Section 22 teachers and villagers regrouped to reinforce the resistance. At the end of the day, they added at least 9 barricades in this region. “The Istmo is a land of warriors and police will have to wage a fierce struggle if they want to get in,” Professor Demetrio Bautista said.

Unable to enter land due to the strong resistance and barricades set up in the state capital Oaxaca as well as in Istmo, the federal police have chosen to use helicopters and airplanes. This June 16th, at least three federal police aircraft landed at the “Benito Juarez” International Airport of Oaxaca, located in Santa Cruz Xoxocotlán. They carried about 500 armed federal agents.

Meanwhile, the encampment in the historic center of this city has been maintained since May 15 and the blockade of the Freeway 190 in the district of Nochixtlan (which links Mexico City to Oaxaca), completes its fourth day today. The same is true of the one set up by the people of San Andrés Chicahuaxtla in the district of Putla de Guerrero, Oaxaca, as well as those in the communities in the Southern Highlands and la Cañada, where the barricades are still in effect.

The blockade at Hacienda Blanca is expected to be maintained until Friday, June 17. It’s a symbolic place where on Wednesday, June 15, riot equipment from the federal police was burned. Preparations are also underway for a massive mobilization in Mexico City on Friday, where more than 100,000 teachers are expected to join in.

The teachers are still demanding the release of their thirteen imprisoned comrades and the suspension of dozens of arrest warrants, but above all, the total rejection of the so-called “Education Reform”.

Communication

Radio Plantón, frequency 92.1, has become critical to this resistance, because it’s a way to publicize the activities carried out in the 7 regions of this state.

It is a means of communication triangulated with several community radio stations and with free and independent media platforms on the Internet, but with a constant warning that the State will pull its signal, as has happened before. At the same time the mass media maintains a media war to criminalize teachers. A huge demonstration on June 14, for example, was not covered by mass media even though at least 90,000 education workers, parents and organizations were mobilized.

This radio frequency has also given those against this resistance the opportunity to speak, but they are immediately turned off with dozens of calls from parents in support of the struggle of their childrens’ teachers.

Without Transportation

The bus company Autobuses de Oriente (ADO) decided to suspend trips from Mexico City to Oaxaca and back, indefinitely.

Repression of the National Strike in Columbia Strengthens – Thus Far, Three Demonstrators Have Been Killed

“The spirit that we have is that the territory should be for those who care for it, who inhabit it, who produce the food, who look after the water and the common goods. This is in contrast to a model that intends to create an infrastructure of mining and extraction of petroleum at the expense of the peoples that have historically inhabited these lands.”

In spite of strong repression, the campesinos, indigenous peoples, and African descendants of the Cumbre Agraria, Campesina, Étnica y Popular de Colombia (Agricultural, Rural, and Ethnic Peoples Summit of Columbia) have sustained a national strike for more than ten days that began May 30, 2016. Up until now the toll has been 3 indigenous people dead, 200 people injured, and 105 more facing criminal charges.

“Three indigenous people have been murdered by the Fuerza Publica del Estado (the Colombian military and national police). The response of the police has been savage repression”, said Sandra Rátiva, member of the Peoples’ Congress, one of the 13 organizations that make up the Cumbre Agraria, in an interview.

In at least 70 strategic points in 24 states throughout all of Colombia, demonstrators are maintaining blockades of the principle routes that connect the country to South America, Central America, and the Caribbean. There is participation in the strike by more than 100,000 indigenous people, rural inhabitants, African descendants, and other marginalized sectors of Colombian society, and other social sectors like students, academics, and international solidarity groups are now joining the movement.

The strike is a response to the disregard of Decree 870 by the National Government of President Juan Manuel Santos, which was signed May 8th, 2014. The agreement took into consideration the demands of the Cumbre Agraria, which were aimed at creating a mandate for quality of life improvements, for structural agricultural reform, sovereignty, democracy, and peace with social justice, revisiting eight points: lands, collective territories, and territorial legislation; a self-determined economy against the model of displacement; mining, energy and rural life; cultivation of coca, marijuana, and poppy; political rights and guarantees of justice for victims; social rights; urban-rural relations; and peace, social justice, and political solutions.

“From 2014 to 2016 the government has not fulfilled this first round of negotiations, beginning with the disregard of the 8 points. It is for this reason that since August of 2015 we decided to begin preparations for this national strike. We call ourselves the Jornada de Minga Nacional (National Conference of Collective Labor). We call it collective labor because we all contribute something to this action,” explained Rátiva.

At the time of this interview, the 9th of June, as a result of the refusal of the government to enter negotiations, the spokespeople of the 13 organizations of the Cumbre Agraria met in Gualanday, in the state of Cauca, to plan strategies to continue the strike, and to discuss points over which to negotiate with the government. “The government has produced false statements about supposed regional negotiations, affirming that we don’t presently have the goodwill necessary to negotiate. Their objective is to fragment the movement,” added Rátiva.

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Photos by Congreso de los Pueblos

No Guarantees of Safety

While the Minister of the Interior, Juan Fernando Cristo, has declared that the government would provide full guarantees for the legitimate exercise of social protests, his declarations contrast sharply with reality, as repression is already being endured. “The minister has given the order to evict the blockades without regard for either our intentions for negotiation, nor consideration of our petitions that seek a series of just policy transformations in the rural areas of the country. The response of the state has been strong repression and they have tried to divide the movement, offering small concessions in a few regions where they didn’t have a presence before the strike,” said the militant of the Peoples’ Congress.

Furthermore, the Colombian Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights demanded that the authorities of the country explain the deaths of the three indigenous people during the strike. “The facts should be brought to light by the judicial authorities, and our office offers full support in doing so. It is imperative to adopt all possible methods to avoid the possibility that situations like these repeat themselves,” declared the organization in a statement published on its website.

Cumbre Agraria and Resource Extraction

In 2011 Columbia signed a Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Canada. A similar agreement followed in 2012 with the European Union.

“In Colombia, as in Mexico, we have a very strong neoliberal model. We have had fourteen free trade agreements signed, and the WTO, IMF, and World Bank are demanding compliance with these agreements. There has been a massive advance of the transnational agricultural and energy industries. In Colombia, President Santos has said that one of the principle drivers of his development project is precisely the engine of mining and resource extraction. It has to do with extractive projects of enormous magnitude in both the mining and energy sectors,” argues Rátiva.

“There is a strong resistance from the urban population, the campesinos, and the black and indigenous communities to the extractive projects of mining and hydroelectric energy. For example, in the west of Colombia there is resistance in the municipality of Valdivia, where the Movimiento Rios Vivos (Living Rivers Movement) is fighting against the construction of dams and the choking of our rivers, which, as in the rest of the country, are part of the extractivist model. In the rest of the country there is a latent threat of mining and it makes up part of the reason for why we have mobilized. Because the spirit that we have is that the territory should be for those who care for it, who inhabit it, who produce the food, who look after the water and the common goods. This is in contrast to a model that intends to create an infrastructure of mining and extraction of petroleum at the expense of the peoples that have historically inhabited these lands,” emphasized Rátiva.

Solidarity

From noise demonstrations and cultural activities to forums and mobilizations, diverse sectors of Colombia have demonstrated their solidarity with the strike.

The 4th of June saw a meeting of the Comisión Política de las Asociaciones, Organizaciones and Pueblos Indígenas (Political Commission of Indigenous Associations, Organizations, and Peoples) affiliated with the Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (National Indigenous Organization of Colombia) who denounced the militarized response of the state to the actions of the Cumbre Agaria and also announced actions to strengthen the movement. “We continue in collective labor, in all gathering places, until the national government gives constitutional guarantees of the legitimate exercise of the right to protest,” said the pronouncement.

Also the research group, Conflicto, Región y Sociedades Rurales (Conflict, Region, and Rural Societies) of the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana declared their solidarity with the Cumbre Agraria. They assure that as researchers of rural issues they are well aware of the problems faced by campesinos. “We see with concern the negligence of the government, the delaying tactics, and the lack of real solutions to the problems of rural Colombians. We support the Cumbre Agraria because from our work and as a result of multiple research projects that have been done about rural Colombia we’ve been able to verify that this country needs to solve the structural problems of rural life.”

The Summit

The Cumbre Agraria was created after a similar repression was experienced during a strike in 2013. “The farmers’ strike of 2013 received a lot of solidarity from the urban sector, but also suffered violent state repression. And so in 2014, the Cumbre Agraria was formed, the most important space of national convergence in Colombia,” added Rátiva.

Translated by Scott Campbell

After Police Attack, Barricades Reappear in Oaxaca

In the waning minutes of June 11, federal police, the federal gendarmarie, and state police carried out a violent raid against striking teachers blockading the Oaxaca State Institute of Public Education (IEEPO). The attack comes almost ten years to the day when a similar state attack on striking teachers on June 14, 2006, led to a five-month, statewide rebellion.

Teachers in Mexico have been on strike since May 15, demanding, among other things, an end to the neoliberal educational reforms being pushed forward by Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto. For a roundup of events during the first 15 days of the strike, see the most recent Insumisión column.

While things have been tense in Oaxaca, with Governor Gabino Cué announcing that he had hundreds of police ready to remove any teachers encampment or blockade, there have been no big confrontations until tonight. This is likely due to the fact that the state held elections on June 5 and did not want to take any action prior to that which might interfere. Then earlier on Saturday, federal police arrested Francisco Villalobos, the Organization Secretary of Section 22, the Oaxacan branch of the National Coordinating Body of Education Workers (CNTE). He is being charged with aggravated robbery for allegedly stealing free schoolbooks in 2015.

In response, teachers set up blockades at major intersections throughout the city of Oaxaca and elsewhere in the state. Then came the raid on the teachers’ position at the IEEPO. At the same time, electricity was cut in the Zócalo, the city’s main square, where the teachers also have an encampment.

In response, teachers and civil society began building barricades blocking off access to the Zócalo, communicating information using the union’s radio station, Radio Plantón.

Via Facebook, a compa from Oaxaca shared with me that “30 police trucks are headed to the Zócalo…On the edge of the city there are five buses full of riot police and more police trucks. The city center is under siege.” Another communicated that all up and down Independencia Ave there are shoes, belongings and trash scattered about, indicating that several people have been arrested.

At around 2:30am Oaxaca time, it was announced that the Secretary General of Section 22, Rubén Núñez, was arrested on the border between Mexico City and the State of Mexico. The top two officials of Section 22 are now in state custody.

At the time of this writing, 3:30am in Oaxaca, Radio Plantón is reporting that military planes are now arriving in Oaxaca. They predict intense confrontations in the coming days. We will do our best to keep this page updated.