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Access to land for indigenous women: an essential condition for eradicating gender violence

by Myrna Cunningham, Thomson Reuters Foundation

I grew up near a mythical river: the Wanki, which runs along the border that today separates Honduras from Nicaragua. I hold on to fond childhood memories of swimming across that river with my sisters to water crops, learning to fish with the women and of working together shelling beans. It was the forest, the plain and the river that provided food, soap and toys for our communities. I learnt that each and every form of life in nature has its own spirit which gives it its own particular attributes.

We Miskitu women have a special relationship with our land – that sacred space that cannot be sold or divided up. For Indigenous People, land is community. It is living in harmony with Mother Earth. Our collective identity and sense of belonging is embedded in the land and so too our legal, political, economic and social systems.

And it is not just Miskitu women. Indigenous women all over the world have this special relationship with land and territory. We are transmitters of knowledge, persevering our cultures, systems and the ways our Indigenous Nations and Peoples organize.

We contribute to the diversifying agriculture and other productive activities, we ensure the functioning of economic systems founded on reciprocity and complementarity, and we participate in the collective environmental services of our communities. However, our role as traditional protectors of our territories is being severely threatened. The grabbing of land and natural resources combined with the impact of climate change is having a devastating effect on the lives of indigenous women. In its latest annual report, the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA 2016) highlighted, with concern, that the Paris Agreement on Climate Change does not fully include a gender equality perspective nor acknowledge the fundamental role that indigenous peoples play in the fight against climate change. Enforced displacement, environmental degradation, serious health problems and conflicts over increasingly scarce natural resources are just some of the consequences suffered by indigenous women due to the indiscriminate exploitation of our territories. The loss of natural resources and biodiversity is also the loss of our traditional roles.

The transformation of ecosystems in to monetary economic systems and changes to local, social and decision making structures as well as lack political recognition by governments also impacts negatively on women. Women often don’t have access to land ownership and tend to be more excluded from decision-making and the administration of communal property. Just like women all over the world indigenous women also suffer domestic violence within our communities. This situation of violence is exacerbated by land grabbing, rising land and food prices and other factors which characterize extractive economic models.

The violence that indigenous women and girls experience represents multiple forms of discrimination and defies any simple categorisation. It is multidimensional in nature, and cannot be separated from colonisation and its effects or from the forced disintegration of community structures and traditional territorial governance systems.

The systematic infringement of the collective rights of indigenous peoples presents a significant risk where gender based violence is concerned. For indigenous peoples and in particular women, the right to land and territory guarantees the reproduction of our way of life and enables us exercise our right to our own development.

The words of an indigenous woman leader on the value and significance of land for indigenous peoples come to mind: “When indigenous people are born, they sing to us, they tell us where we came from, where our two grandmothers and two grandfathers came from and their territorial history, which is also our territorial responsibility”.

The lives of some 2.5 billion people, including 370 million Indigenous people, depend on lands and natural resources that are held, used or managed collectively. They protect more than 50 per cent of the worlds land surface however, legally they own just one fifth of it. In March this year a Global Call to Action on Indigenous and Community Land Rights was launched which aims to double the global area of land legally recognized as owned or controlled by Indigenous Peoples and local communities by 2020.

As organisations and people from all over the world mobilise in favour of land rights for indigenous women, it is worth to remember that violence against women and girls is not just a matter of individual rights, but of collective rights too.

Myrna Cunnigham, a Miskita feminist and indigenous rights activist from Nicaragua. She served as the Chairperson of the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues until 2012. She is also the president of the Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID).


This article was originally published by the Thomson Reuters Foundation. It has been republished at Avispa Midia with permission.

Dakota Access Pipeline Will Be Rerouted In A Victory For Standing Rock Tribe

By David Mack

The US Army Corps of Engineers on Sunday announced they will no longer allow the Dakota Access Pipeline to cross under a river near the Standing Rock reservation in North Dakota, marking a huge win for Native Americans and protesters who had long opposed the construction.

“Today, the US Army Corps of Engineers announced that it will not be granting the easement to cross Lake Oahe for the proposed Dakota Access Pipeline,” Standing Rock Sioux Tribal Chairman Dave Archambault II said in a statement sent to BuzzFeed News. “Instead, the Corps will be undertaking an environmental impact statement to look at possible alternative routes.

“We wholeheartedly support the decision of the administration and commend with the utmost gratitude the courage it took on the part of President Obama, the Army Corps, the Department of Justice, and the Department of the Interior to take steps to correct the course of history and to do the right thing.”

“It took tremendous courage to take a new approach to our nation-to-nation relationship, and we will be forever grateful,” he said.

Assistant Army Secretary for Civil Works Jo-Ellen Darcy said she based her decision on a need to explore alternate pipeline routes.

“Although we have had continuing discussion and exchanges of new information with the Standing Rock Sioux and Dakota Access, it’s clear that there’s more work to do,” Darcy said in a statement. “The best way to complete that work responsibly and expeditiously is to explore alternate routes for the pipeline crossing.”

Energy Transfer Partners, the company building the pipeline, released a statement saying it was still committed to building under the river.

“The White House’s directive today to the Corps for further delay is just the latest in a series of overt and transparent political actions by an administration which has abandoned the rule of law in favor of currying favor with a narrow and extreme political constituency,” the company said.

Jim Watson / AFP / Getty Images

Since August, thousands of demonstrators have camped at the Standing Rock site to stand with Native Americans in opposing the 1,172-mile pipeline, which is designed to carry 20 million gallons of oil across the Midwest every day.

Tribe members and environmentalists feared damage to local water supplies and the desecration of sacred land.

They argued in court that the pipeline “crosses areas of great historical and cultural significance” and “crosses waters of utmost cultural, spiritual, ecological, and economic significance.”

The tribe successfully mobilized national support, with demonstrators marching in Washington, DC, and elsewhere to pressure the government to abandon the construction.

Sunday’s decision represents a huge win for the local tribe and their supporters, as well as a dramatic shift in the reaction of authorities, who had previously ordered all demonstrators to leave the campsite by Monday.

Jim Watson / AFP / Getty Images

North Dakota Congressman Kevin Cramer, a Republican who supported the pipeline’s construction, said “today’s unfortunate decision sends a very chilling signal to others who want to build infrastructure in this country.”

“Roads, bridges, transmission lines, pipelines, wind farms, and water lines will be very difficult, if not impossible, to build when criminal behavior is rewarded this way” he said in a statement.

The state’s governor, Jack Dalrymple, also slammed the announcement as “a serious mistake.”

“It does nothing to resolve the issue, and worst of all it prolongs the serious problems faced by North Dakota law enforcement as they try to maintain public safety,” Gov. Dalrymple said in a statement. “The administration’s lack of action also prolongs the dangerous situation of having protesters camping during the winter on US Army Corps of Engineers’ property.”

“It’s unfortunate that this project has become a political issue rather than one based on engineering science,” he said.

But other lawmakers and officials praised the decision. Interior Secretary Sally Jewell tweeted that the decision “underscores that tribal rights are essential components to analysis of #DAPL going forward.”

Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders also welcomed the announcement:

captura-de-pantalla-2016-12-06-a-las-10-07-18

Attorney General Loretta Lynch said Department of Justice officials would continue to monitor the protests.

“The department remains committed to supporting local law enforcement, defending protesters’ constitutional right to free speech and fostering thoughtful dialogue on the matter,” she said in a statement. “We recognize the strong feelings that exist in connection with this issue, but it is imperative that all parties express their views peacefully and join us in support of a deliberate and reasonable process for de-escalation and healing.”

At the Standing Rock reservation, Native Americans and protesters celebrated their victory.

“I’m just thankful that there were some leaders in the federal government who have realized that something is not right even though it’s legal,” Archambault told MSNBC.

“I would say that it’s over,” he said.

CORRECTION:

The pipeline was set to be built on a river near the Standing Rock reservation. An earlier version of this post said the river was on the reservation.

Published in BuzzFeedNews

Wirikuta in imminent danger, peasant resistance grows for its protection

Wirikuta Great Pilgrimage, February 2012. Photo: Laura Carmen Magana

by Tunuary Roberto Chávez

The high plains of Wirikuta is a biologically rich territory, where 80% of the birds of the entire Chihuahua desert are present, more than half of the mammals and more than half of the species of flora have been reported; however this territory only covers 0.3% of the surface of this vast semi-desert zone that extends from central Mexico into the southeastern US states of Arizona, New Mexico and Texas.

It is a place where a cultural wealth is concentrated like few places in the world, as it is the main pilgrimage destination of the Wixárika people, because in their cosmovision, it is the origin of the world and the knowledge that gives them their identity as the original people of these lands. It is also a place where millions of Catholic pilgrims visit San Francisco de Assisi in Real de Catorce, as well as thousands of tourists from different parts of the world who visit Wirikuta to experience its spectacular landscapes and to find spaces of introspection and emotional and spiritual growth.

Today more than ever, the Wirikuta highlands is in danger. The government has plans to use this sacred space to deposit toxic waste and is capable of devastating and looting the mineral deposits of gold, silver and antimony from the destruction of the natural and cultural environment.

These topics are at the "Second Forum on the Wirikuta Highlands, Threatened Desert,” which took place on Nov. 30 at the municipal seat of Cedral and is now available online at the Facebook page of Salvemos Wirikuta. The forum, which is only available in Spanish, features the voices of peasants who are resisting the ongoing devastation caused by agroindustrial mining companies and a proposed toxic waste dump, as well as commissioned representatives of the Wixárika people and the scientific community. The forum is promoted and facilitated by the Committee in Defense of Water of Catorce, the Committee in Defense of Life of Santo Domingo and surrounding municipalities, the Action Group for Water and Life of Guadalcazar, the Social Pastoral Office of the Diocese of Matehuala, the Jalisco Association of Support of Indigenous Groups (AJAGI) and the Thematic Network of Biocultural Heritage of the National Council of Science and Technology.

It will be broadcast live over the Internet, and the website will be announced at the Facebook page of Salvemos Wirikuta.

Tunuary Roberto Chávez is a natural resources engineer and a technical consultant to the coalition of organizations that are working to protect the desert of Wirikuta.

Published in intercontinentalcry

Response to North Dakota Law Enforcement Press Conference on December 3rd

Photo by Spencer Mann | Indigenous Rising Media

by Indigenous Environmental Network

Cannon Ball, ND - On December 2nd, North Dakota Law Enforcement and the National Guard held a press conference to clarify law enforcement’s intentions for December 5th, the day the Army Corps planned to close all lands north of the Cannon Ball River to the general public. Law enforcement also commented on a meeting that took place on December 1st between North Dakota law enforcement, Veterans and Indigenous leaders on the Back Water Bridge, where the state of North Dakota has placed a barricade blocking highway 1806.

The following are statements from Veterans and camp organizer who met law enforcement:

“I’m disappointed because I asked the Sheriff’s Rep, 3 times, ‘can you tell us who these supposed troublemakers are, who are making supposed threats?’ I asked him to give us names and he said that they were on  Facebook and Twitter so he obviously saw them. So then I asked him why don’t you tell us who they are because they  must know what their names and what they look like and he never answered.” - Wesley Clark Jr., the organizer of Veterans Stand with Standing Rock

“On December 1st, I spoke with law enforcement and others about the barricade and the sacred sites that have been desecrated by the Dakota Access Pipeline. We asked that they remove the barricade because there have been emergencies and we need access to the highway. We have a right to use 1806 highway. In addition, I explained that the reason why we have been trying to reclaim Turtle Hill is because our relatives and leaders are buried on that hill. I said, ‘destroying our sacred burial sites is like someone going through Arlington National Cemetery and digging up all those grave sites’. We would never desecrate veteran’s grave sites, out of respect. North Dakota law enforcement  needs to show Indigenous Peoples the same respect and move off of Turtle Hill.” - Brenda White Bull , Veteran and descendant of Chief Sitting Bull.

“This movement has never been about North Dakota law enforcement or about attacking the police and we have never done that.  The only times there have been confrontation is when they confront us and forcibly remove us from unceded treaty lands by using war weapons against unarmed Water Protectors. Law enforcement has stated that there are known infiltrators in our camp but refuse to tell us who they are. This is counterproductive to de-escalating the situation as we cannot work to remove these individuals from camp. Furthermore law enforcement has agreed to move the barricade back as long as we comply with their requests to stay off the bridge. This accomplishes nothing besides setting up a trap that entices potential infiltrators or aggressors to go on the bridge. Taxpayers continue to pay for the police force and Army National Guard to protect the Dakota Access Pipeline. It would be fine if the law enforcement would operate within the laws and hold this company accountable for their countless violations and attacks on us but instead they continue to protect a private corporation.” - Kandi Mossett, Indigenous Environmental Network.

Indigenous Rising Media was able to take an audio recording of the meeting between law enforcement, Wesley Clark Jr., Brenda White Bull and Kandi Mossett.

Published in intercontinentalcry


Press Contact:
Jade Begay, 505-699-4791, jade@ienearth.org[/vc_column_text]

Decolonize Hispanic Heritage Month or Get Rid of It

By Adriana Maestras
 
People of Mexican, Central American, and South American descent shouldn’t have to celebrate heritage that is tied to invaders and colonizers.

Since the end of the Reagan administration, organizations and government entities have been annually celebrating Hispanic Heritage Month between Sept. 15 – Oct. 15.

The concept for celebrating Hispanic Heritage Month actually goes back to 1968 when it began as Hispanic Heritage Week. Sept. 15 was chosen because it marks the anniversary of independence of five Central American countries: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. On Sept. 16, Mexico and Chile celebrate their independence from Spanish rule.

Despite the history of countries in the Americas breaking away from Spanish overlords, the U.S. has insisted on celebrating Hispanic Heritage Month opting to view the history and culture of people with roots in North and South America through a European frame of reference. Nearly two-thirds of the Latino population in the U.S. is of Mexican origin, yet the powers that be, including many in the Latino leadership class, continually label things that are so obviously Mexican, like feathered danzantes or mariachis as “Hispanic” for this government created celebratory month.

“We have leaders who want to use the people because almost 70 percent of this population is of Mexican heritage, yet you never hear the word Mexican,” said Rudy Acuña, historian and Professor Emeritus of Chicano Studies at California State University, Northridge. “Independence has become a Hispanic holiday when we fought against the Spaniards. This [Hispanic Heritage Month] is full of contradictions.”

If Hispanic Heritage Month starts on a day when countries were declaring independence, why would leaders in the U.S. want to tie the struggle to free people from an oppressive colonial experience back to the country doing the oppressing? Patriotic citizens of the U.S. would not like the Fourth of July to be labeled English or British. People of Mexican, Central American, and South American descent shouldn’t have to celebrate heritage that is tied to invaders and colonizers.

“The majority of the people that we call Hispanic or Latino in this country are Mexican and Central American; the majority of those people have Native roots. Between that and those who have an African culture, we’re not talking about people from Spain,” said Roberto Cintli Rodriguez, Associate Professor at the University of Arizona Mexican American Studies Department. “Hispanic Heritage Month is an imposition against people who have Native and African culture. To me, it’s very degrading. It seems like a holiday that would have been celebrated a hundred years ago.”

People with roots indigenous to the North and South American continent who the government and media label “Hispanic” or “Latino” often do have Spanish heritage to varying degrees, but a broad brush portrayal of diverse communities under the banner of “Hispanic Heritage” obscures complex histories. It erases the history of Africans who were brought to the Americas on Spanish slave ships and the diverse and complex societies that existed in North and South America prior to the arrival of the conquistadores.

This year in the U.S., Hispanic Heritage Month is being used as a vehicle to register voters because the dates coincide with key voter registration deadlines in this crucial election year. Voto Latino and Mi Familia Vota, two civic organizations in the U.S., along with dozens of partners are involved in this effort to promote Latino voting. The effort is called Hispanic Heritage Month of Action. In effect, these organizations are asking Brown and Black people to take action in the name of their colonizer, under the banner of Hispanic Heritage Month.

It’s time to decolonize Hispanic Heritage Month or get rid of it. We don’t need gimmicky attempts to get us to vote with tacos and mariachis under the historically inaccurate Eurocentric frame of Hispanic heritage. Engage our communities regularly not just during election cycles, and respect our traditions and histories without attempting to define us by the language of our brutal colonizers. Do not suffocate the continued development and growth of our communities and movements because it’s politically expedient to put us in the Hispanic box.

Adriana Maestas is a Southern California-based freelance writer. Her writing has appeared in teleSUR English, NBC Latino, KCET.org, The Electronic Intifada and Latina magazine.

Published in Telesur

Being a campesino in todays world is in itself a subversive action

Translation By: Stephanie Friede, PhD Candidate at Duke University

“It is ‘Day Q’anil, the day of the seed,” explained Antionio Gonzales of Guatemala, referencing the calendar used among the Maya people. “It is time to harvest.” This is how Gonzales began his presentation on the first day of this event – the second international meeting ofcampesinasand agro­ecologyin America. The primary themes for the event included food sovereignty, climate change, and agricultural technologies. Held at the Autonomous University of Chapingo in central Mexico, the meeting was a gathering where a multiplicities of voices from the global south could share their ideas with each other.

The event brought together students ,campesinos, academics, and researchers from an array of organizations and nation­states including Mexico, Venezuela, India, Brazil and Guatemala. Attendees came in search of different kinds of seeds – seeds of knowledge that could conjure potential alternatives. Participants included Brazilian agronomist Sebastio Pinheiro, who led a hands­on workshop with participants. With their hands in the dirt all together, everyone quickly forgot each other’s professional credentials. Pinheiro was explaining in this workshop the history of the so­called “Green Revolution” which changed the agricultural world after World War II. This so­called revolution was ideological, bringing the scientific developments and new technologies to speed up natural cycles. The green revolution brought a profit logic into the field. “Following 1930, and the end of the Second World War, billions of lives have been altered as a result of the imposition of chemicals into agriculture, and the rendering technical of the lives of the people, causing grave harm” explain Pinheiro.

The event was an excellent space where knowledge, ideas, reflections were exchanged, and there was even a fair share of self critique. The setting itself, however, was notable. The event was held in the School of Agro­Ecology, now celebrating its 25th year. Nelson Montoya, director of the Department of Agro­Ecology explained that this meeting was a critique of the institution which has based much of its work on the“Green Revolution,” which are obsolete. “For this reason we are having this conversation in this place, we want the institution to hear what we are saying,” explained Montoya.

There was little interest by students and professors outside of this department, perhaps because the institutions ethos is built on using technology to exploit land, and not men. Perhaps it is alive and well. “We are at a university where Mexico’s best agricultural engineers are being trained. Unfortunately, the motto of the university remains, teach students how to exploit mother earth,” explained Victor Toledo, Director of the Institute for Ecology at Mexico’s National Autonomous University (UNAM).

25 aniversario Agroecologia Chapingo

Co­evolution: Corn and Culture

The Autonomous University of Chapingo has long been both a headquarters and a laboratory for those who advocated the industrialization of Mexico’s food industry. Here is where the most strident advocates for the industrial colonization of Mexico’s food supply were taught and trained to use the technologies provided by large multinational agro­chemical corporations. “Universities have always been where world’s multinational corporations trained their representatives. They have always maintained an interest in maintaining a monopoly over the country’s food supply, and in that sense, the lives of the public We are lucky, tho ugh. Throughout Mexico, los pueblos have maintained their knowledge, the wisdom to respect the earth, what I like to call the bio­power of the c ampesino” explains Pinheiro.

The Autonomous University of Chapingo is nestled in the foothills of the mountain where the Aztec rain god, Tláloc, is said to have lived. Tláloc was referred to as the “provider,” because it was in his power to bring the rain, something everyone knew was needed for the corn harvests. This is also the same place were the Poet king, Netzahualcóyotl was said to have his baths and gardens. Nearby is the Lake of Texcoco, where the great city of Tenochtitlan, with its complex and technically advanced irrigation networks and floating greenhouses (called Chinampas), were constructed, and unfortunately destroyed upon the arrival of the Spanish. Pinheiro underscores, “This has always been a place of knowledge.”

“While science was been created during the last 300 years, but we humans have existed for more than 200,000 years – so the question is, did knowledge exist prior to science? Of course it did. It is exactly the kinds of science which existed throughout our history which allowed for traditional agriculture. This kind of knowledge is not forgotten, despite the collective

Alzheimer which was spread across Mexico. Mayan agriculture has existed on the Yucatan Peninsula for more than 3,000 years. Near the Pátzcuaro lake in the State of Michoacán, signs of pollen from maize was found from more than 3500 years ago” explained Victor Toledo, coauthor of the book, “Bio­Cultural Memory” or “La Memoria Biocultural.”

When Europeans arrived in Mexico, more than 150 languages existed. Of these, “60 to 65 languages” survived. "Simultaneously, there are more than 69 known varieties of maize,” explained Toledo, who went on to compare the evolution and diversity that exists among Mexico’s languages to the evolution and diversity of agriculture. “It wasn’t that the people of ancient Mesoamerica that domesticated corn, it was went both ways. Corn also domesticated the people of Mesoamerica. Over the last 7 to 9,000 years, our culture and our corn have co­evolved – just as we see a diversification of cultures over this time period, we also see a diversification in the varieties of corn across the region.”

Toledo is questioning the model of industrial agriculture which has become dominant over the last century, and the negative effects it brings, such as deforestation and climate change. He also throws into doubt the methods which are now being put into place to try and conserve what remains of the nature world. Toledo assures us that, “it is impossible to conserve the natural world without conserving culture as well...We need to develop a Bio­Cultural approach to conservation in Mexico” which takes the environment and culture as one, explained Toledo.

Toledo claims that within the Autonomous University of Chapingo there is a wealth of diversity, where 60% of it’s students
a re from indigenous communities or were raised in farming (campesina) communities. “If you ask students in the agronomy department what indigenous language they speak” you will hear any number of languages spoken throughout Mexico. Toledo claims that despite what some people may think, the region’s indigenous populations are not in decline. In fact, he continues, “its exactly the opposite. Around the year 2000, the government statistics reported between 8 and 10 million people who spoke an indigenous language. In the year 2010, a question was added to the census which had been removed since 1920. They started to ask, Do you consider yourself indigenous? The government was reinserting the idea of self­identification. The question was not asked because the government considered the very idea somehow dangerous or subversive. But, when the question was added to the census in 2010, the number of people who identified as indigenous reached 17 million. In 2015, the official statistics were even higher, 24 million people identified as indigenous in Mexico”

Campesino = Subversive
According to the non­profit organization GRAIN’s recently published study, while more than 90% of the world’s farmers identify as either campesina or Indigenous, they control less than a quarter of the world’s fertile terrain. “Foreigners came here asking us to produce food supplies for them. But we should focus on producing for our own children. If there is extra, then sure we can sell it, but its unfair that they come here and dictate the prices.” Pinheiro argues that the prices should be more equitable, and this fight would benefit all of us.

In their 2013 report, “Behind the Brands,” Oxfam International highlighted ten companies thy claim control the majority of the world’s food supply and fertile land. They highlighted the company Nestlé in particular.

Historically, Mexico has been an example for countries across Latin America with regards to land ownership – the ejido system which brought collective ownership to much of the public after the Revolution – proposed a logic entirely distinct from the mercantilist logic which existed before it. However, when the Mexican government passed a series of reforms to our progressive agrarian laws, they transformed its undergirding logic which was built on ideas of collective ownership into a logic based on private property. In essence, this reform, which preceded the signing of NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Agreement) allowed ejido land to be sold to private developers. The effects of this change have been felt by the country’s vulnerable indigenous and campesina families who are more likely to suffer from the negative consequences of mega­projects like mining and industrial agriculture. “The effort was to take­down the agrarian reforms. Across Latin America, from Argentina to Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, the fields have been destroyed. The Mexican Revolution, which started in 1910, was an example for the world, because it was a redistribution of power. The agrarian reform that followed the revolution were an example for the world because we were able to maintain an ancient culture. The powerful forces of global capital saw this example as subversive,” added Pinheiro.

After years of debate, The United Nations Program for Agriculture and Nutrition, finally agreed to include small farmers in their policy suggestions. “They did not, however, agree to actually use the word c ampesino. It remains dangerous.

Campesino is still widely considered a dangerous word. They reported in 2014 that 60 % of the world’s food comes from small family farms, and they still refused to use it,” explained Toledo.

“If they want to be consistent, the UN should mobilize an Agro­Ecological framework and promote agrarian reform across the globe. The future of Agro­Ecology in Latin America depends on legal reform. Large land holdings need to be redistributed. They can not continue to promote large cattle farms and industrial agriculture, and also promote Agro­Ecology ­ these forms of production contradict the goals of Agro­Ecology and conservation efforts more generally.” Toledo affirms that the decision to recognize the importance of small farmers, “threw into question the international institution’s faith in industrial farming as the best way to meet food demands worldwide.”

What is Agro­Ecology?

“This meeting will help determine the role of academics in the future of this movement and how the diverse range of interested parties involved can engage with one another. How will students, researchers, indigenous peoples, and campesinos, understand their roles and work together? This meeting offered the space to question the current capitalist economic models which now dominate the agricultural sector. We need to find alternatives which can support ‘un buen vivir' or a good life for all people. The seeds of the many possible future for Latin America, for Mesoamerica, are living in communities across the globe. It is a political act to value all kinds of knowledge” explained Antion Gonzales, an indigenous Maya.

Across the dozen or so universities in Mexico where there are Departments of Agro­Ecology, “there are at least 600 specialists in Agro­Ecology who are searching for new ways to incorporate traditional agricultural practices into our food system. They will continue to search for new and better alternatives” to what currently exist, explains the Director of Chapingo’s Agro­Ecology Department.

At the end of the three day conference, participants agreed to form the “Network of Education Programs for a Degree in Agro­Ecology.” Sebsatiao Pinheiro of Brazil agrees that “Agro­Ecologists can be involved in helping to solve food sovereignty issues in Mexico, and across the globe.” But first, Pinheiro goes on, “we must leave our academic bubbles.” Academic Agro­Ecologists need to leave their academic departments and head to the fields where they can learn to listen to and respect the knowledge of indigenous peoples and small farmers. The agricultural sector needs to abandon production methods based on increasing profits, and shift their focus “instead to life – this is Agro­Ecology’s true goal”

The ideas of self­determination over territory which has gained widespread support in recent years places Agro­Ecology within a broader geopolitical debate. When the Zapatistas began building their autonomous regions, they integrated concepts from Agro­Ecology into their broader geopolitical message. In coming years, Victor Toledo explains, “I imagine we will see other kinds of autonomous regions emerge where decisions are build around four key principles: self­management, autonomy, self­reliance and self­defense. Across Mexico there are already some examples of this. This is where specialists in Agro­Ecology need to work.”