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Mapuche Leader Extradited to Chile from Argentina

With a major operation coordinated between Interpol, the Federal Police of Argentina, and Airport Security Police, on January 4, the activist Facundo Jones Huala, considered a leader of the Mapuche Ancestral Resistance (RAM), was extradited to Chile from Argentina.

The Lonko, as Mapuche chiefs are called, was detained on August 27, 2018 in Argentina, while on house arrest at his grandmother’s home. Neither his lawyer, his family, nor him had received any previous notification. Since then, the Supreme Court of Argentina has confirmed the ruling that the Mapuche leader would be extradited on charges of arson and the illegal possession of a handmade firearm. He was sentenced to nine years in prison, although his sentence was later reduced to six.

In 2022, his lawyer obtained his conditional freedom after he completed two-thirds of his sentence in CCP Temuco. Not long afterwards, the resolution was revoked and an arrest warrant ordered by the Chilean Supreme Court seeking his extradition.

Huala had traveled to Argentina and was considered a fugitive until he was detained in January 2023 in the southern part of the country.

The Gabriel Boric government, the current president of Chile, activated the extradition order of the activist so that he complete his prison sentence. The Mapuche activist, via an audio, called on the Argentinean justice system to not be extradited to Chile because he is a “political prisoner.”

In prison, he went on a hunger strike to avoid extradition, and demanding an end to the political persecution again him. At that moment the activist declared that the principal demand is “territory and autonomy for our nation…the state must return everything (to the Mapuche people) or assume the consequences,” he warned.

Today he is extradited to Chile where he will remain detained for at least one year, four months, and seventeen days, the time in which he will finish the six-year prison sentence that was dictated against him in December of 2018.

The Mapuche leader arrived approximately at 10:40 in the morning on Thursday to the Pichoy airport in Valdivia. According to Chilean authorities, the Lonko was transferred to the city of Valdivia, 850 km from Santiago, to be presented at the court.

The prosecutor, Sergio Fuentes, said that “the appellate court of Valdivia, after reviewing the legality of the extradition process, ordered Huala to be placed at the disposal of the Guarantee Court of Rio Bueno, which in turn ordered him to be transferred to CCP Temuco to finish the rest of his sentence,” he said.

The prosecutor added that “the extradition process was made possible by the coordinated activity between the Chilean prosecutor, through the International Cooperation and Extradition Unit, together with Argentinean police, judicial and administrative authorities.”

The ancestral Mapuche territory, known as Wallmapu, is vindicated by Mapuche people from the Pacific to the Atlantic Oceans. Historically, since before the European invasion, the Mapuche people have lived in the Argentinean and Chilean Patagonia. However, more than once they have been considered invaders and terrorists.

RAM is considered the “political military organ” of the Puel Mapu Autonomous Mapuche Movement, an organization that Huala admitted being a participant in the extradition trial that was carried out in Bariloche, in February of 2018. He sustained that he was “a combatant at one point in the RAM, as well as a combatant in the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM), and in other situations of political territorial conflict developing acts of self-defense.”

This organization reclaims the sovereignty and recognition of the Mapuche community and its ancestral territories, which cover the length and width of both Argentinean and Chilean territories.

The organization has been accused of a series of things, from provoking more than a dozen fires, stealing livestock, and even carrying out armed attacks against employees of the Compania de Tierras Sud Argentino Limitado, property of Carlo Benetton, part of the Italian textile empire of the Benetton Group S.P.A. In 1991, the Benetto family, in Patagonia, bought 900,000 hectares in which they raise almost 100,000 sheep, producing 10% of the wool of the Benetton Group S.P.A. firm. Most of these lands belong to the Mapuche people.

Amid this scenario, a group of fifteen Mapuche political prisoners who are part of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM) in Chile, including leaders like Ernesto Llaitul, Esteban Henríquez and others, have been on a hunger strike, some since November 13, protesting a collective sentence of more than 15 years and demanding the annulment of these rulings. With this action, Consuelo Contreras of the National Institute of Human Rights has emphasized the necessity for inclusive dialogue to address violence in the region.

The progressive government of Boric has maintained a distant posture toward the demands of autonomy of the Mapuche people, showing little interest in addressing ancestral land claims and self-government.

Argentina: President Milei Seeks to Allow Glacier Mining and Deforestation

Buenos Aires, Argentina. 2023. Photo: Santiago Navarro F

Since taking power, Javier Milei, the current president of Argentina, has in the first 17 days of his government proposed three structural reform packages. Among them are the Decree of Urgency and Necessity, and his main package, the “Ley Omnibus” or Omnibus Law. The latter seeks to privatize at least 40 state companies directly impacting laws that protect the forests and glaciers.

The Omnibus Law was sent to Congress this past Wednesday as the “Proyecto de Ley de Bases y Puntos de Partida para la Libertad de los Argentinos.” It is an extensive package of 351 pages with more than 664 articles. “The text includes profound, necessary, and urgent reforms in tax, labor, criminal, energy, and electoral matters, said Manuel Adorni, presidential spokesperson, in a press conference.

This latter package of reforms, which will be taken up in congress in an extraordinary session, has been analyzed by the Collective of Action for Ecosocial Justice (CAJE) and the Argentinean Association of Environmental Lawyers (AAdeAA), who have warned that “if approved, this project will represent a blow to the heart of environmental protection legislation in Argentina.”

This association of lawyers published the report, “Sin límites para el saqueo: ataque al corazón de la legislación de protección ambiental argentina,” highlighting that if approved, the Law to Protect Forests and Glaciers will be threatened. 

Among the modifications is the replacement of Article 26 which prohibits the deforestation of protected areas I and II (red and yellow). The category of red protection (I) corresponds precisely to very important conservation zones that should not be transformed. The yellow category (II) also prohibits deforestation but allows the development of other activities of sustainable use.

The modifications also eliminate the necessity to report on productive activities around these areas. According to the lawyers, this means that the right to information for Indigenous peoples and campesino communities is greatly affected, particularly in cases of deforestation.

Glacier Mining

With the modification of the National Glacier Act (No. 26.6392) “mining activity is allowed in the periglacial environment, which is currently expressly prohibited,” the lawyers state in the report. This means that it will be permitted in the ice masses and the internal and surface level watercourses where mining was previously not allowed.

According to the environmental activists, these frozen zones act as water resource regulators. “Their protection is included directly in the National Glacier Act, which is a product of an arduous legislative process, in which various national and international specialists contributed their expertise,” the lawyers stress.

Behind the decree there are different exploration and exploitation initiatives of glacier and periglacial zones, “especially in the Andes mountains and its foothills,” explain the lawyers.

Interestingly, the United Sates Geological Survey (USGS) has recently announced that the Andes Mountains hold significant copper deposits. It is de facto considered the main copper region in the world. Therefore, “it is a mining zone in the process of exploration and active development,” the USGS states in a paper published in 2022 called “Porphyry copper deposits and prospects in the Andes Mountains of South America.”

Along with Copper, Argentina possesses deposits of minerals considered critical because of their scarcity. Lithium, for example. In 2023, the USGS catalogued Argentina as the primary lithium provider to the United States, with more than 50% of the market share, destined principally for the United States auto industry.

Furthermore, Argentina is considered as one of the thirteen governments who make up the Minerals Security Partnership, an initiative led by the United States government to catalyze public and private investment in critical mineral supply chains on a global scale. This is aimed at the new productive systems emerging from the energy transition.   

The lawyers are definite in asserting that with the new Milei reforms, Argentina is moving backwards environmentally, due to “the historic demand of major transnational mining companies like Barrick Gold that want to advance on these ecosystems. With this modification, they will be able to do so without limitations, considerably narrowing the protected zone.”

The lawyers warn that the presence of foreign armed forces in Argentinean territory is also considered in the reforms. Article 346 empowers the executive to authorize the entry of military contingents pertaining to other countries into Argentina for activities of training, instruction, protocol, or combined activities.

The commander of the United States Southern Command, Laura Richardson, refers to South America as a theater of operations for the national security of the United States. “It is like our neighborhood because of the physical proximity. Also because of the familial, economic, and cultural ties,” said the commander of the United States military in 2022 before the 117th Congress of the Armed Services in the House of Representatives.

Richardson argues that their presence in the region is vital as “60% of the lithium in the world is found in the Lithium Triangle in South America” made up of Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile, she told the US senate in March of 2022.

“In a global context where countries strengthen their borders and national security, the Omnibus Law enables foreign armed forces to enter into our country beneath the subtle disguise of training, instruction, or protocol practices, ceding control of our lands and our common goods,” argued the lawyers.

These organizations consider the reform to be “the handing over and dispossession of our national sovereignty,” considering that it is aimed at the repeal of the Rural Lands Law of the DNI 70/2023, which would enable foreign capitalists to acquire national lands in border zones, renouncing control over border limits.

Privatization

The Omnibus Law seeks to privatize at least 40 state companies, among them the YPF oil company, Argentine Airlines, the Central Bank, the Treasury (where they print the money), the Télem news agency, the AYSA water company, and the networks of train and rail lines in Argentina. 

Environmentally, it means the fiscal deregulation of fossil fuel exploitation, which in itself was already causing major environmental impacts, they denounce in the report.

Therefore, “the privatization of the public sector, at both the state and provincial level, will intensify and deepen the socioenvironmental inequalities caused by the advance of the hydrocarbon frontier in our country,” the lawyers add.

In addition, the decree deregulates the control of the burning of vegetation, pastures, and other remains, which would otherwise require permission from the state. The “Omnibus law means that, after 30 working days of the request for a burn permit, if the state doesn’t expedite it, their silence will be interpreted as tacit authorization,” the report points out.

With these reforms, the privatization of the General Administration of Ports is also being proposed. This would create the conditions for the “privatization of rivers, in particular, the Paraná, making it even more impossible for social control and province level public management of the river basin, in the context of federalism, negating private ownership of the provinces and their natural resources,” they add in the document.

The association of lawyers calls on Argentinean society to “reject and resist these proposals which put at risk the environment, its ecosystems, and the capacity of the state to regulate and protect the environment.” In the same way, they demand legislatures to “strongly reject this project and safeguard the little bit of existing legislation that can serve as a tool for ecosocial justice and environmental protection in Argentina.”

Participant in the National Indigenous Congress, Jacinto, Passes Away

Oventik Caracol 2018. Jacinto participating in the assembly which named Maria de Jesús Patricio as spokesperson for the CNI-CIG. Photo by Santiago Navarro F

Versión en español

He was always willing to offer his solidarity to anyone, without hesitation, in exchange for nothing. His humility characterized him. He didn’t only believe that change was necessary, but that it was also urgent. He was known as Jacinto among those closest to him; his compañeros and compañeras with whom he shared the utopia that a better world is possible. Today, on a Thursday just like any other, death took him; a death that seeks to be silenced, but that escapes from its cocoon, converting into a murmur of the teachings that he left, among other unknown people like him.

Jacinto was 67 years old. His real name was Marino Ramírez Pacheco. He was a Zapotec from the southern sierra mountains of Oaxaca, where he also left his mark among the people. He was part of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI). Not long before his death, we had a chance to get together. We talked about different things, among them, he showed his concern for the children being killed in Palestine. He also showed excitement for the new initiatives recently launched by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Above all, he was excited about the idea of the no-property of the earth, to which we will all return.  

His heart was strong and lively, always ready to continue opening up pathways in the consciousness of the people, reminding us that the set of crises we are living is the “product of the bestiality of the capitalist system,” he explained. He didn’t have any schooling, but he knew how to read and write. Although technology had left him behind, he was always trying to stay informed.

Jacinto was a campesino and construction worker. He was also a builder of dreams. “He was always passionate about his political activities. He was always very conscious of what was happening,” shares his life partner, Maura Pacheco, who together with his three children, Emiliano, Sergio, and Estrella, today mourn Jacinto’s passing.

Jacinto’s compañera was worried that nobody would remember him and that his loss would go unnoticed on a Thursday just like any other, and with that perhaps the pathways he opened up would once again be covered in grass. “But the words of solidarity began to arrive and the weight of his loss was alleviated knowing that among the pathways there are people,” she said via telephone.

The deceased will be buried where he lived his last years, in Tuxtepec, Oaxaca. There, the land will again cover him, and with certainty, his words will continue walking through our memories. And perhaps someone will continue opening up pathways of utopia which are so urgent in these contemporary times when everything seems in collapse.

Government of Oaxaca Passes Law Pushing the Privatization of Ejido and Communal Lands

Northern Sierra Mountains of Oaxaca. Photo: Santiago Navarro F

With the approval of the state congress, the governor of Oaxaca has passed the revenue law for the 2024 fiscal year, with which he is pushing the privatization of social use lands in the state.

According to the discourse of Salomón Jara and the opinion of local representatives reproduced in Section B of the law, the idea is to strengthen state revenue through the conversion of ejido and communal lands into private property.

Furthermore, Article 25 proposes to offer fiscal stimulus to ejido and community members who move toward the certification of their agrarian rights in the modality of private property.
This new policy has set off warning signals in the ejidos and communities of the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca where according to the National Agrarian Registry (RAN), as of 2022, there are 7,600,000 hectares of social land. That is to say, more than 80% of Oaxacan territory is collectively managed.

In light of this, the ejidos and communities have declared themselves against what they call a “neoliberal economic policy.” According to the ejidos and communities, the law violates the legal security of social property of agrarian, Indigenous, and ejido communities as enshrined in Article 27 of the Mexican Constitution.

Through a statement, ejidos, communities, agrarian authorities, and organizations of Oaxaca have demanded the repeal of the law that they consider “neoliberal tax policy.”
“The part of the decree being questioned is its neoliberal vision, founded in policies imposed by Carlos Salinas de Gortari (ex-president of Mexico) through the constitutional reform of January 6, 1992, to privatize social property held by Indigenous peoples, agrarian communities, and ejidos in the state of Oaxaca,” contextualizes the document.

Salomón Jara, Governor of Oaxaca

In the statement, the ejidos, communities, and organizations argue that the intention of the Oaxacan government to increment tax collection through cadastral and registry rights “clearly demonstrates the lack of knowledge of the reality of agrarian, Indigenous, and ejido communities.”

They also argue in the statement that the law undermines the foundation of social property in Oaxaca, manifesting that it is a “Salinist neoliberal policy” of land privatization of ejidos and communities. For that, they demand the governor repeal Article 25 of the law.

The ejidos, communities, and organizations also demand the annulment of the program called “Legal Certainty of the Security and Well-being of the Patrimony,” as they argue that agrarian and ejido communities already have legal certainty with their files registered with the RAN.

“The program the government seeks to implement in no way benefits ejido or community members. The legal certainty is for national and international investors who want the natural resources in our territories, thereby guaranteeing their profitable businesses. This is the case with the megaprojects imposed in the Isthmus region and the mining concessions,” they argue.

Lastly, they call on Indigenous peoples, agrarian and ejido communities, along with social organizations to carry out actions demanding the repeal of the “neoliberal tax policy that threatens our social property.”

So-Called Justice Plans are the Coup de Grace for Indigenous Peoples: Pueblo Mayo-Yoreme

Meeting between federal and state officials related to the justice plan of the Mayo people.

Myrna Valencia, professor and human rights defender, member of the Mayo-Yoreme community of Cohuirimpo in southern Sonora, is firm in asserting that the so-called justice plans being pushed by the administration of Andrés Manuel López Obrador are detrimental to the Indigenous peoples of Mexico.

As a strategy to promote its policies with Indigenous peoples, the government of the “fourth transformation” (or the 4T as it is popularly known) has coordinated talks with different communities. According to the General Director of the National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (INPI), Adelfo Regino Montes, these talks “will allow us to know and respond to the just demands and historic necessities of Indigenous peoples.”

The federal government is holding meetings with members of the Yaqui, Séri, Wixárika, Náyeri, O´dam, Guarijío, and Mayo-Yoreme people, to whom they have announced the implementation of these so-called justice plans. The promises for the Yoreme tribe include the recuperation of the Mayo River and access to the water; the construction of highway and hospital infrastructure; and the resolution of agrarian conflicts, among others.

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Valencia, who is also part of the Indigenous Governing Council (CIG) of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI), critiques the official statements arguing that the strategy of the federal government is just more of the same: “The justice plans, especially for us, the Yoreme, are just harassment and the coup de grace,” she says, denouncing the cooptation of community leaders and the electoral use of government assistance.

Meeting between federal and state officials related to the justice plan of the Mayo people.

Her testimony complements those of inhabitants of the communities of Bachoco El Alto, Buaysiacobe, Masiakawi, and Cohuirimpo, who came together in the Alianza Yoreme or Yoreme Alliance, in January of this year, to denounce that their “ancestral existence is at serious risk due to the resounding failure of the indigenist policies implemented by the Mexican government.”

Through a statement, the alliance in northern Mexico argued that “the 4T is the ideal instrument of capitalism. Businessmen, political parties, organized crime, and other de facto powers all blend together perpetuating themselves in political power, directing anti-identity actions such as drying up the Mayo River in the territory of our tribe.”

For Myrna, the cultural component of the Mayo people is fundamental to the organizing work in the communities. For this reason, she emphasizes that the approach of the peoples of the alliance is to denounce the state for their actions that seek to negate their identity.

“Because when the Yori government, the white government, says ‘this community isn’t Indigenous anymore,’ it has an effect,” she mentions criticizing the creation of the National Catalog of Indigenous and Afromexican Peoples and Communities. INPI, who created the national catalog, has argued that it is necessary in identifying the different peoples in order to guarantee the full exercise of their rights.

This publication is part of a series of dialogues with participants in the last assembly of the National Indigenous Congress in Tehuacán, Puebla. You can consult the past posts on other resistance struggles in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Michoacán, and Quintana Roo.

Below, we share the testimony of Myrna Valencia who is also a member of the Indigenous Governing Council of Cohuirimpo Rio Mayo, one of the eight towns of the Mayo-Yoreme tribe, whose territory spans a region between southern Sonora and northern Sinaloa.

Avispa Midia (AM): In the working groups you talked about the so-called justice plans being pushed by the federal government. Can you share with us more details?.

Myrna Valencia (MV): We have sadly seen that this is just more of the same. In 2019, the president made his first advances. A diagnostic was carried out among Indigenous authorities of the different peoples, communities, and leaderships. We had the opportunity to attend and the diagnostic was very clear. However, we weren’t very clear on what the diagnostic was all about, nor of the economic benefits that would be offered to those who seek out economic resources and political positions. The people were honest in saying how they felt. ‘We want land, we want our land legally recognized. We want our territories and we want our water.’ That was the general sentiment that we delivered.

AM: How have things advanced with the state?

MV: They began to carry out meetings. The INPI and other organizations, who say they are representatives of Indigenous peoples, they began to make incursions, imposing themselves in the communities, naming Indigenous authorities in their own interests and convenience, authorities that would favor them. It was that clear. There has been a lot of differences with the authentic Indigenous governments. They have not been respected. There have been certain individuals, I remember Juan Pérez Gil, who claims to be the spokesperson for the 8 governors of the 8 towns. There has never been such a thing, never talked about, much less legitimized.

As intermediators, they have benefitted from the resources of the justice plan allowing them to manipulate the will of the people. It allows them to take advantage of the necessities of the people, to convince them of things to come. They only know how to act in electoral matters. They are already preparing for the upcoming election, that is what this has served.

It is a platform for electoral questions, for positions of local and municipal government, and even in the institutions like INPI and CEDIS (Commission for Attention to Indigenous Peoples of Sonora) which work on Indigenous issues in the state. That is what we are experiencing, what we are suffering from. In reality there is no progress. In May of 2022, the president said something like: ‘I know what you want, I am not going to fight with those who have the land, I am going to compensate you for it. I am going to fulfill my commitments with you all.’ The people applauded, it was euphoria.

Mexican president visits with the Yoreme people

But sadly, there have been meetings, workshops, and roundtables on different topics. Our people are not accustomed to this. In the meetings, there are people who are not informed and other people who are misinformed. So, the working groups, workshops, and meetings are far from what the Indigenous communities, what the Indigenous people need. In so much coming and going, the object has been lost. We have the responsibility and consciousness because we have been there from beginning. We have had to participate, with a lot of shame because we realize how the people’s will is being managed.

Access was not allowed if you were not a governor (traditional figure of the Yoreme peoples). Obviously, those who are at the front acting as representatives of the tribe and administrators of the budget, they recognized whoever they wanted. It was then that we declared ourselves an alliance and began to reply, criticize, and say clearly that this is a farce, just more of the same.

MV: If they really wanted to they would have begun by giving the ration of water that is detained in the dams and benefits the large landowners. It has been years since the necessary ration (of water) has been left in the river, and the plant and animal species are going extinct.

Our territories are dry. The people who lived on the edges of the river are even being affected because concessions were given to these inhabitants. They had access to a certain amount of the riverbed toward the banks. But now as the riverbed has decreased with barely a trickle of water, their houses are now outside the concession. Even so, the government is charging them taxes.

The river, that is one of the most important elements of our identity as a tribe, and it is dry…we continue being treated as foreigners in our own territory, led to a way of thinking that undermines diversity.

AM: What do you think is important about this event that has brought us all together?

MV: Organization is the foundation. No one from an external government will come and take stock of what is hurting us, much less resolve our problems. When someone from outside comes and says that they are our representative, like the white government for example, the only thing they do is take advantage of the resources from our taxes.

But the organization, in this case, the National Indigenous Congress that brings us together on this occasion, and that animates us to organize, I believe that it is the best thing we can do as Indigenous peoples, as people with an identity of a native people. It allows us to know personally, up close, the pains we suffer as people, that we suffer as communities.

Here, comunalidad is the trait that is promoted, recognized, and that which makes us feel truly proud. Here we live it, we express it, we manifest it, and we take it home with us, thanks to the principles of command by obeying of the National Indigenous Congress and the commitment that we have as an Indigenous Governing Council in forming, implementing, and organizing this form of self-government of our tribes.

Acteal: 26 Years of Impunity and Struggle for Truth and Justice

Commemoration of the Acteal Massacre. Photo: Las Abejas Area of Communication

Friday, December 22, marked 26 years since the Acteal Massacre, a state crime that shocked the country for the genocidal policy implemented by the Mexican government in Chiapas.

For the occasion, the civil society organization Las Abejas de Acteal—active for 31 years in the region—together with the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Center, spoke out against the lack of commitment of the Mexican state to advance toward justice and punishment for the perpetrators of the crime. “Those responsible continue unpunished. This is an example of the negationist posture and a commitment to forgetting and apathy,” the organizations claimed in a communique.

After 26 years of seeking justice, Las Abejas de Acteal emphasize that they have recently received two notifications from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

The case of the Acteal Massacre is nearing discussion and the publication of a Merits Report, which “is important for the recognition of this state crime as one against humanity for which the entire Mexican state is responsible,” Las Abejas stated in a communique.

The Tzotzil organization considers that, “although late, it opens a small window of advancement toward justice and reparation for the survivors, although we know that it will not be complete.”

The Indigenous Tzotziles emphasize the responsibility of government officials who were in power at that time. Specifically, they name the President of the Republic, Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León; the Secretary of Government, Emilio Chuayffet; as well as the Secretary of National Defense, General Enrique Cervantes Aguirre, who was even decorated by Andrés Manuel López Obrador in October of this year.

Other officials involved are the ex-Governor of Chiapas, Julio Cesar Ruiz Ferro; the State Secretary of Government, Homero Tovilla Cristiani; the State Subsecretary of Government, Uriel Jarquin, and the Municipal President of Chenalhó, Jacinto Arias, among others.

Las Abejas de Acteal emphasize that their struggle and resistance is against social amnesia, which they consider “important to reclaim justice and name those responsible for organizing and implementing the strategy of extermination toward the civil population in the context of the Zapatista insurrection, as well as pointing out the responsibility of complicit government officials.”

Commemoration of the Acteal Massacre. Photo: Las Abejas Area of Communication

In addition to calling out federal and state authorities for obstructing justice for Acteal, they also denounced what they consider to be the “resounding” failure of both the federal government led by AMLO, and the state government led by Rutilio Escandón Cadenas, in in issues related to social justice, peace, and security.

“They have encouraged community division through governmental projects, which represent the continuity of the counterinsurgency by means of manipulation and cooptation. They have opted to embrace, empower, and reward military power, and they have authorized an implicit pardon for political violence carried out in the 1990’s,” the organizations condemned.

For that, Las Abejas de Acteal consider the current situation in Chiapas to be critical.

“We are immersed in a spiral of violence that converges with and involves the historical processes of demanding justice…the crisis of violence in the border zone, which generates serious human rights violations like forced displacement, disappearances, assassinations, extorsion, torture, kidnappings, population control, and silenced communities and municipalities. All of the above in the context of an electoral process that further exacerbates the violence in the territories,” they detail in the communique.

However, the Maya Tzotziles assured that, “In spite of this dark panorama, the processes of struggle and community resistance are constantly articulating, walking the paths of peace, autonomy, territorial defense, and care for Mother Earth, our common home.”